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Even submarines and aircraft carriers were developed gradually as new features were experimented with. His most determined campaign was, perhaps that of 1242. It is, however, hard to argue that any one of the maritime states of northern Europe had any decisive natural advantage over its rivals or any great technological superiority. 166–71 and 175–7. 10 G. Monleone (ed. G. Spotorno), 2 vols, Genoa, 1854, p. 277. II, Genova, Atti della Societa Ligure di Storia Patria N.S., 1984. The conflict between England and France widened with other states and rulers 88 T H E F I F T E E N T H C E N T U RY I N N O RT H E R N WAT E R S being drawn into a more complex web of alliances and enmities. Learn how we and our ad partner Google, collect and use data. The design of Northern ships, whether those of the Vikings or of other peoples, in about AD 1000 was not essentially different from this. 9 Bibliothèque Nationale, Paris, MS Latin, 7239. Capable of being an effective warship although originally intended as a merchant ship. A.S.V. 53 J. Gardiner (ed.) IV, London, Eyre and Spottiswoode, 1969. 4 An early representation of cannon onboard an English fighting ship can be found in the Warwick Roll of c.1485. cit., p. 158. 12, pp. It’s a good starting point, but comprehensive histories of even a single war requires … cit. The English had used this moment of weakness on the part of France to conclude a treaty with them. After the fall of Constantinople to the Crusaders the Venetians acquired not only booty, including the bronze horses which have for so long adorned the façade of San Marco, but the right to three eighths of the city. 57 J.D. Within six months he was again writing to the king complaining bitterly that a man previously welcomed at the Catalan court, and in the Castilian royal service had taken at sea and spoiled a galley and two galiots carrying ambassadors as well as the goods of Valencian merchants and demanding compensation and the punishment of the perpetrator. Royal and other governments spent very little on the building or maintenance of ships, and seemed to have little understanding of the possible strategic value of sea power. Ciano, Cesare, ‘Le navi della Meloria carattistiche costrutitive e di impiego’ in Genova, Pisa e il mediterraneo tra due e trecento per il vii centenaurio della battaglia della Meloria, XXIV Fasc. In the following year he was at sea with Lord Berkeley off Milford Haven to prevent help coming by sea from France for Owen Glendower’s rebellion. The other four officers would each have one quarter of the available men and would have responsibility for the defence of their area and the deployment of the artillery. Les Espagnols sur Mer, as its name suggests, took place offshore in the Channel with the sailing ability of the vessels and the seamanship of the shipmasters being of great importance. By the time of the king’s death in 1216 they controlled more than half the country.21 The lords ruling in the name of the child king Henry III needed to prevent their reinforcement and subsequently ensure their eviction from England. A typical example is ASV Regeste, Senato Miste, 1377–81 (Copie 36) ff. The history of medieval naval warfare is the history of the galley. Byzantium was suspicious of the whole crusading movement which seemed to threaten both her religious hegemony in the East and her territorial control of lands formerly part of the Empire. With accompanying maps and illustrations, this much needed account will appeal to students of military history, medievalists and the general reader alike. Hooper, N., ‘Some observations on the navy in late Anglo-Saxon England’, in C. Harper-Bill, C.J. Mocenigo also includes clear orders about signals, when sailing at night, for calling other commanders to council, for changing course and in other circumstances. J.H. 4 Collins Albatross Book of Verse (ed. 496–7. The surviving particulars of his accounts for the years 1344–1360 to be found in a small leather bag in the Public Record Office allow a more detailed look at his activities than that available from the more formal rolls.52 Clewer was unusual compared with other clerks of the king’s ships. One got safely into port, the other was taken with its rich cargo, much the property of English merchants. According to the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, Tostig had sailed from Flanders to the Isle of Wight in the early summer of 1066 to attack his brother’s lands. xxxvii–xxxix and 143–160. ( Log Out /  97 M E D I E VA L N AVA L WA R FA R E , 1 0 0 0 – 1 5 0 0 10 C.J. Their watchwords seem to be ‘safety’ and ‘caution’ with negotiation always preferred to battle. McGrail, S., ‘The future of the designated wreck site in the R. Hamble’, The International Journal of Nautical Archaeology, 22, 1993. To the west in the Irish Sea possession of the Isle of Man can be shown to have strategic advantages. The question of crews was certainly a long term problem. 35 A. Merlin-Chazelas, op. M. Chiaudano and M. Moresco), Rome, Nelle sede del’Istituto, 1935. Winchelsea may have been used as much as Portsmouth. In this confusing situation, it seems best to look at the use made of sea power under three headings: the use of ships as auxiliary forces; transporting men, material and victuals, major encounters between the forces of rival powers, and raids on coastal towns and on commerce. This probably caused particular dismay since it occurred just before the signing of the Treaty of Bretigny after a lull in this kind of activity. Such attacks were only justifiable in law against the king’s enemies but truces were often ignored as were letters of safe conduct. At any one time a high proportion of cases involved Muslim privateers; as well as the small scale attackers already mentioned, large fleets could be raised in North Africa including the squadron from Tunis which razed Benidorm to the ground in 1447. 33 J. Paviot, op. The Clos des galées, under its last four masters, Guillaume de la Hogue, Jean de Lesmes, Guillaume Blancbaston, and Robert 81 M E D I E VA L N AVA L WA R FA R E , 1 0 0 0 – 1 5 0 0 d’Oissel saw little activity. 68, 71, 75–6 45 C. Bréard, op. 140– 7. The difference between defeat and victory did not depend so much on the sheer number of vessels available to the combatants as on the determination and steady nerves of all those on board whether the crossbowmen, the rowers or the commanders. 14 C. Hillenbrand, The Crusades, p. 559. These facilities were already available when in Henry VIII’s reign naval administration was greatly expanded and put on a more permanent footing, both at Portsmouth and along the Thames from Deptford to Erith.66 Ships were of course built in other northern states as well. Cabins for officers or elite passengers would also be situated here. F. Rosenthal), Princeton, Princeton University Press, 1958, vol. Brooks, F.W., ‘The King’s Ships and Galleys mainly under John and Henry III’, The Mariner’s Mirror, 15, 1929. 255–6. Lauria was loyal to Aragon so that these battles were fought between an Aragonese-Angevin fleet commanded by Lauria and a Sicilian one commanded by the Genoese Conrad Doria. The battle of Porto Longo was followed by a peace treaty which merely bound both Genoese and Venetians to cease trading to Tana for three years and exhorted them to cease attacks on each other’s shipping. From the point of view of a naval historian several aspects of this situation from 1379 to its resolution in the defeat of the Genoese in late 1380 need emphasis. 38 H. Ahrweiler, ‘Course et Piraterie dans la Mediterranée aux IVième–XVième siècles (Empire Byzantin)’, in Course et Piraterie, Paris, 1975. Their fleet had given valuable assistance during the taking of Antioch and in 1104 a treaty between the Genoese and Baldwin I king of Jerusalem allowed them tax exemptions and property rights in the port towns of Jaffa, Arsuf, Caeserea and Acre. E101/24/10. Medieval Naval Warfare, 1000-1500 provides a wealth of information about the strategy and tactics of these early fleets and the extent to which the possibilities of sea power were understood and exploited. The Crown also mustered a small force under William Scott to patrol off Winchelsea to repel any attack by Warwick. Dotson, J.E., ‘Fleet operations in the first Genoese-Venetian War, 1264–66’, Viator, 30, 1999. Of the early clerks, William Clewer held office for the longest period from early 1344 till c.1363. 82 T H E F I F T E E N T H C E N T U RY I N N O RT H E R N WAT E R S The ease with which an individual could move from being a law breaker to being in the royal service is made clear in the first decade of the fifteenth century by the careers of Harry Pay of Poole and John Hawley the elder and the younger of Dartmouth.7 Pay seems to have almost specialised in preying on the Bilboa trade in iron but was also commissioned in 1404 by the king to go to sea to ‘provide for the destruction of the king’s enemies’. The other was made up of 12 galleys hired from Genoa under the command of Renier Grimaldi who also had overall command. 64 M. Oppenheim (ed. Galleys sometimes with crews of well over 100 men needed large quantities of food and drink especially biscotti, a form of hard baked bread which supplied many of the calories needed by men expected to row for long periods. Reginald had conceived a bold plan; using galleys brought overland almost in ‘kit form’, he had taken Aila and then raided all down the African coasts of the Red Sea sacking the small towns and pillaging merchant ships. Pryor, Geography, Technology and War: Studies in the Maritime History of the Mediterranean, 649–1571, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 1988, p. 103. There are also 12 D O C K YA R D S A N D A D M I N I S T R AT I O N frequent references to his being commissioned to arrest merchant vessels for action in company with royal ships and to the mustering of fleets for projected missions overseas. 213–4, n. 37. quoted in D. Albulafia, The Western Mediterranean Kingdoms 1200–1500, London, Longman, 1997, p. 172. Though as we have seen they could be very successful, by the 1370s the vessels known as balingers and barges seem to have been more favoured for coastal defence by the English crown. This patrol had little strategic significance; Henry had completed the conquest of Normandy while a political change in Castile had put an end to their alliance with the French.27 Events when the expedition was on the point of putting to sea cast some light on the way in which these expeditions were put together, expanding on the rather terse information available in formal royal writs and commissions. From 1172 he followed a policy aimed at achieving this. The actual construction of the new fleet began in 1177. This would usually end in boarding or involve beached vessels or end with them driven onshore. 18 Matthew Paris describes how Ferrand, the Count of Flanders had made a secret pact with John. It also seems fairly clear that rams, like those used in Greek and Roman galleys were no longer in use in the Mediterranean and had never been used by Norse seamen. The long reign of Henry III did not see, however, any further advances in naval tactics. It was usually easier and cheaper, and not necessarily less efficient, to rely on arrested merchant shipping or mercenary fleets than to incur the expense of acquiring and maintaining royal ships. cit. At sea, where the natural dangers were so much greater, a battle was an even more hazardous undertaking. All were fought off shore in relatively sheltered waters; this is a common characteristic of virtually all naval warfare at this period. More usually the ships were carrying victuals, horses, carpenters needed for the construction of pavisades, and other supplies for the army. 20 F.W. II, p. 205. The payments listed in the Pipe Rolls do not, however, hint at the existence of any one base for royal ships or storehouse for supplies.24 His son, Richard I, whose fame as a Crusader has a considerable maritime element,25 is, perhaps, responsible for the first beginnings of something worthy of the name of a royal dockyard in England. ), The Libelle of Englyshe Polycye, Oxford, Clarendon Press, 1926. It is also noticeable that once a fleet had been organised and dispatched to trade or to deal with the enemy that the authorities in Venice did their utmost to keep themselves informed of what was going on and even attempted to control events, despite the distances sometimes involved and the difficulties of communication with vessels at sea.2 In Genoa, it seems that individual ship-owners and commanders had a much freer hand especially in the conduct of trading voyages. Gillingham has associated the granting of a royal charter to Portsmouth in May 1194 with the establishment of the town as a base for military operations across the Channel. These were, of course, those situations in which the Norsemen had used similar ships; coastal raids especially with an approach up a shallow river or estuary where winds were fluky and erratic and attacks, again in coastal waters, depending on surprise and speed when rapid mobility was essential. Airaldi, Gabriella, ‘Roger of Lauria’s expedition to the Peloponnese’, Mediterranean Historical Review, 10, 1995. Their main advantage, apart from the terror caused, seems to have been the way in which the spout of fire could be precisely aimed, ‘often downwards and sideways, to port or to starboard’.4 There is, however, no clear evidence that the ships of the two naval powers in the Eastern Mediterranean in the later medieval period, Venice and Genoa were armed in this way. 179–89. Other recorded comments also concentrated on the failings of crews; Baybars I called the crews of an Egyptian squadron defeated off Cyprus in 1270, ‘peasants and rabble’ and later claimed that, ‘anyone given an oar can row well but not everyone can strike well if given a sword’.34 He laid his finger on the difference between the attitudes of the Mamluk rulers and those of the maritime states of Europe to naval warfare when he stated somewhat enigmatically, ‘for you your horses are your ships whereas for us our ships are our horses’. ‘Constructive naval defence’ was ‘beyond the power of a government which lacked a royal navy’. 4 Reid, op. cit., p. 330. Ford, C.J., ‘Piracy or policy: the crisis in the Channel, 1400–1403’, Transactions of the Royal Historical Society, 5th series, 29, 1979. Third, the conditions of the tide and the precise location of the battle were of great importance in the eventual outcome. The policy of the Sicilian and Spanish branches of the Aragonese royal house had diverged to the extent that James II, now ruler of Aragon had allied with the Angevins headed by Charles II against his younger brother Frederick III, king of Sicily from 1295. 36 R.A. Griffiths, The Reign of Henry VI, Stroud, Sutton, 1998, p. 815. Even if part of the common experience of much of medieval mankind, warfare brought danger and at times disaster. 653–5. Between 1416–19, 36 ships of various kinds were in the possession of the Crown, some for relatively short periods, and over £12,00017 were received both from the Exchequer and from other sources for their maintenance. He describes the Venetian fleet coming out to meet the Genoese with every sign of honour and the two fleets then sailing together into the harbour and anchoring together. Ten years later, another English fleet under the earl of Arundel chased a French fleet into the Zwyn and took no fewer than 70 prizes with an enormous cargo of wine. Edward, it is suggested, relied largely on arrested merchant ships, the great majority of which were cogships prepared for war by the addition of fighting tops and fore and aft castles. Mallett (eds), War, Culture and Society in Renaissance Venice, London, The Hambledon Press, 1993, pp. 2 A. Merlin-Chazelas, op. If a notional ‘balance sheet’ were to be drawn up of the respective gains and losses of ships and other goods by each side in this conflict, it might well be quite evenly balanced. Edward’s emphasis on the hard fought nature of the battle and its length (it lasted the remainder of the day and into the night) is significant. The fall of Acre to the Mamluks, extinguishing the last remnants of the Crusader kingdom on the mainland of the Levant, had made it even more essential for merchant powers to maintain good relations with Byzantium and other rulers in the trading zone which now extended right into the Black Sea and the Sea of Azov. 27 N.A.M. His work as Clerk of the King’s Ships is also discussed in S. Rose (ed. 137. F.C. 12 Chita has been identified as St Ives by Joan Edwards whose Unconquered Knight, London, George Routledge, 1928, is a translation of extracts from El Victorial. Ibn Khaldun (c.1333–1408) wrote a considerable time after the events described, and is generally thought to have been guilty of a degree of exaggeration. In Lane’s view, Venice was able to recover her dominant position in trade in the Levant and enjoy the prosperity this brought, not because of her 109 M E D I E VA L N AVA L WA R FA R E , 1 0 0 0 – 1 5 0 0 ‘command of the seas’ or the superiority of her galley fleet but because the Turkish advance in the West was halted by the need to deal with the forces of Tamerlane in Central Asia.23 In the first years of the fifteenth century, therefore, naval warfare in the eastern Mediterranean, apart from the continuing problem of widespread, low-level commerce raiding, consisted largely of shows of force by both Venice and Genoa each intending to overawe the other. Why, as far as we know, did none try to escape? El Victorial, the life of Pero Niño, a Castilian noble, the foster brother of king Henry III, written by his standard bearer, which is a classic of early literature in Spanish, also provides much personal detail of the exploits of an individual corsair. We can compare the fighting at sea in the eastern Mediterranean where the most common use of ships was in support of the siege of a coastal town. The Venetians, who had a force of 16 galie sotil and five galie grosse, though only 16 were ready to put to sea at once, 107 M E D I E VA L N AVA L WA R FA R E , 1 0 0 0 – 1 5 0 0 took up the challenge thinking the enemy had only 14 vessels. Medieval Naval Warfare, 1000-1500 provides a wealth of information about the strategy and tactics of these early fleets and the extent to which the possibilities of sea power were understood and exploited. We have already noted the beginnings of a form of dedicated naval administration in England at this time.16 John has also been linked with the growth of the idea that a fleet could be used in war as something more than a means of transport; in particular with the notion that ‘a naval offensive is the best and surest defence against a threat of invasion’.17 In 1213 France faced him with such a threat and, as well as using the diplomatic tactic of submitting to the Pope in order to remove Philip’s justification for his actions, John dispatched a fleet under William Longsword, Earl of Salisbury to Flanders. Rodger, The Safeguard of the Sea, p. 99. Pryor points out that there is no consensus at all among the various chronicles concerning the details of this battle.65 Muntaner states that Lauria’s forces were beached for the night but came out when the mast top lanterns of the French were seen out at sea at day break. The English fleet which included both great ships and balingers, was then deployed in a line with the great ships on the wings and the balingers in the centre.14 The initial Spanish 84 T H E F I F T E E N T H C E N T U RY I N N O RT H E R N WAT E R S attack was an attempt at boarding reinforced by the use of flaming arrows and a fire ship; at this juncture, however, the wind got up and the galleys became increasingly vulnerable to attacks by the great ships. It was divorced from considerations of territorial aggrandisement or rivalry between monarchs. There are many references to the transport of horses in this way and the existence of specialist ships (usually known as tarides, huissiers or uixers) is also well attested. In 1350 the ostensible casus belli seems very similar. S. Pepper, ‘Fortress and fleet: the defence of Venice’s mainland Greek colonies in the late fifteenth century’, in D.S. Their colony there, soon numbered in thousands, was clustered round the port area. 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